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Updated: June 28, 2025
Mervin Brown have believed this country safe against any military dangers, because of the connections existing between your unions of working men and similar bodies in Germany. This is a great fallacy for two reasons: first because Germany has always intended to have some one else pull the chestnuts out of the fire for her, and second because we cannot internationalise labour.
"Pardon, monsieur, but how do you know anything about Russia?" Monsieur Pouilly asked. "You have not a single secret service agent there, and your ambassadors are ambassadors of commerce." "I know what every one else knows," Mervin Brown declared. "Our commercial travellers are our secret service agents. They travel where they please in Russia." "And Germany?" the General queried.
It is to discuss the situation arising from your neglect to make the provisions called for in that agreement that I am here to-day." Mr. Mervin Brown glanced at some figures which his secretary had laid before him. "You complain, I presume, of the reduction of our standing army?" he observed.
"She has no need to do so by force of arms. Take my own country, for instance. We need American machinery, American goods, locomotives and mining plants. America has no need to force these things upon us. We are as anxious to buy as she is to sell." "I am to figure to myself, then," Mr. Mervin Brown reflected, "a combination of Germany and Russia engaged in some scheme inimical to Great Britain?"
Rifles were lying on the racks, four in each side, and caps, papers and equipment piled on top of them. The Jersey youth made a remark: "Where are we going to?" he asked. "France I suppose, isn't it?" "Maybe Egypt," someone answered. "With two pairs of socks to one boot!" Mervin muttered in sarcastic tones; and almost immediately fell asleep. He had been a great traveller and knows many countries.
"Will you be my ambassador?" the Prime Minister asked. Nigel hesitated for a moment. "If you wish it," he promised. "Prince Shan is in some respects a strangely inaccessible person, but just at present he seems well disposed towards my household." "Arrange, if you can," Mr. Mervin Brown begged, "to bring him here to-morrow morning. I will try to have available a copy of the dispatch from Jesson.
North Wales fell to the lot of Mervin; Powys to Anarawt; and Cadell received the portion of South Wales, together with the general good wishes of his brothers and the people; for although this district greatly exceeded the others in quantity, it was the least desirable from the number of noble chiefs, or Uchelwyr, men of a superior rank, who inhabited it, and were often rebellious to their lords, and impatient of control.
If the League of Nations had been established upon a firmer and less selfish basis, it certainly might have kept the peace for another thirty or forty years. As it is, I believe that we are on the verge of a serious crisis." "War for us is an impossibility," Mr. Mervin Brown declared frankly, "simply because we cannot fight.
Mervin Brown on this occasion did not beat about the bush. His old air of confident, almost smug self-satisfaction, had vanished. He received Nigel with a new deference in his manner, without any further sign of that good-natured tolerance accorded by a busy man to a kindly crank. "Lord Dorminster," he began, "I have sent for you to renew a conversation we had some little time since.
And as for Russia, ostensibly the freest country in the world, Tsarism in its worst days never imposed such despotic restrictions concerning the coming and going of foreigners, in one particular district, at any rate." "The Russian Government have certainly given us cause for complaint in that direction," Mr. Mervin Brown admitted.
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