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They rose, shook hands. To Francisco's surprise Schmitz left them. "I have a matinee this afternoon," he said. Ruef walked down Market street with Stanley. "He's leader of the Columbia orchestra.... I met him through my dealings with the Musicians' Union." Impulsively he grasped Francisco's arm. "Isn't he a wonder? I'll clean up the town with him. Watch me!"
"Union Labor traded minor offices for Mayoralty votes, I understand. Meanwhile Ruef is building his machine. He has convinced the labor people that he knows the game. They've given him carte blanche." "And how does the big fellow take it?" "I was talking with him yesterday," Francisco answered. "Schmitz is shy just yet. But feels his dignity. Oh, mightily!" He laughed.
The jury disagreed. The Prosecution's first battle against the "higher-ups" had brought no victory. Ruef was failing Heney as a witness for the people. After months of bargaining the special prosecutor withdrew his tacit offer of immunity. Heney's patience with the wily little Boss, who knew no end of legal subterfuge, was suddenly exhausted.
The Mayor has the power to fill all vacancies due to resignations. Don't you see what would happen? Schmitz could select another board over whom the prosecution would hold no power. Then, if necessary, he'd resign and his new board would fill the Mayor's chair with some one whom Ruef or the Mayor could trust. Then the city government would once more be independent of the law." "Lord!
Though Ruef imposed every possible obstacle, the Grand Jury was impaneled, November 7, and began its work of investigation with such startling celerity that Ruef and Schmitz faced charges of extortion on five counts, a week later. Meanwhile Schmitz, who had but recently returned from Europe, became officially involved in the anti-Japanese agitation.
Ruef, in a small way, was a rival of Colonel Dan Burns, the Republican boss. Burns, they said, was jealous of Ruef's reform activites. "If one could get the laboring class together," Ruef told Stanley, "one could wield a mighty power. Some day, perhaps, I shall do it. The laborer is a giant, unconscious of his strength. He submits to Capital's oppression, unwitting of his own capacity to rule.
"It's arranged, I understand, for quarter of a million dollars." Frank pondered. "What'll Langdon say to that?" William H. Langdon was the district attorney, a former superintendent of schools, whom Ruef had put on his Union Labor ticket to give it tone. But Langdon had refused to "take program." He had even raided the "protected" gamblers, ignoring Ruef's hot insinuations of "ingratitude."
They found that $200,000 had been paid for the trolley franchise and enormous sums for permits to raise gas rates, for telephone franchises, for prize-fight privileges and in connection with a realty transaction. The trolley bribe funds had been carried in a shirt box to Ruef by the company's attorney. Other transactions had been more or less "covered."
If men like that could stoop to the bribing of Supervisors, what was American civilization coming to? He looked in at the Ruef trial to see if anything had happened. For the past two months there had been nothing but technical squabbles, interminable hitches and delays. Ruef was conferring with his attorneys. All at once he stepped forward, holding a paper in his hand.
Heney had aroused Judge Seawell from his slumbers and obtained an order of the court enjoining Ruef from actual assumption of the title he had arrogated to himself. Judge Graham upheld it. Langdon remained the district attorney.
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