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Updated: June 8, 2025
"I reckon," said Conroy, "that we mean to use our guns now we've got them." Babberly made a curious gesture with his hands. He flung them out from him with the palms upwards and then sat down. McNeice rose next. "For the last two years," he said, "we've been boasting that we meant to resist Home Rule with force if necessary. That's so, isn't it?" Malcolmson growled an assent.
"I ought to have told you before you came," he said, "that well, you know that my lady is very strongly opposed to this Home Rule Bill." Moyne is fifteen years or so older than his wife. He shows his respect for her by the pretty old-fashioned way in which he always speaks of her as "my lady." "The fact is," he went on, "that the people we have with us at present " "Babberly?" I asked.
You'd better hurry. It's almost certain to occur to Babberly, and the moment it does he'll put it into a speech. If he does, the whole credit will go to him." This impressed Bland. He hurried away towards the post-office. I felt that I was not likely to get anything more out of the statue. I put a small bit of it in my pocket to keep as a souvenir, and then strolled along Donegal Place.
The fact that he was a leading Nonconformist was, I fancy, supposed to commend him in some obscure way to the Ulster party. He spent the evening after the meeting in flying about in his motor between the House of Commons where Babberly was proposing amendments to the Bill, Moyne House where Lady Moyne and her secretary sat over her typewriter, a military club in St.
"You'll have to stop him," said Babberly. I dare say the thought of the impeachment which was hanging over his head made him nervous. "I can't," said Lord Moyne. "I ask those present here," said Malcolmson, "who, when the supreme moment comes are prepared to step forward into the ranks, to hold up their hands and swear." Malcolmson did not make it quite clear what oaths we were to employ.
"But," I said, "Malcolmson wants to fight. He always said so." "Quite so, quite so. We all said so. I've said so myself; but it was always on the distinct understanding " "That it would never come to that. I've heard Babberly say so." "But damn it all, Kilmore! it doesn't do to push things to these extremes. The whole business has been mismanaged.
Only the last three words conveyed anything in the nature of a threat, and many papers did not report the last three words. Babberly, I think, was quite justified in supposing that the Cabinet Minister was saying no more than, according to the rules of the game, he was bound to say; that he was, in fact, giving a garden-party of his own to keep up his position in the county.
He had an idea that it would impress the English Nonconformists. I do not think it did; but, so far as our meeting was concerned, that did not matter. We were not singing it any of us, except Babberly with a view to impressing other people. We were singing with the feeling in our breasts, that we were actually marching to battle under the divine protection.
Political principles, it is said, were sacred things, but the life of the humblest citizen was far more sacred than any principle, and the world could confidently rely on Babberly's being guided in his momentous decision by considerations of the loftiest patriotism. I have no doubt that Babberly fully intended to do as that paper said he would do.
"And so," I said, turning to O'Donovan, "in mere despair of nationality you have gone over to the side of the Unionists." "I've gone over," said O'Donovan, "to the side of the only people in Ireland who mean to fight." Supposing that Ulster really did mean to fight O'Donovan's position was quite reasonable. But Babberly says it will never come to fighting.
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