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Updated: October 28, 2025


It represents two million men who hate us, and who, by their votes for such a man as they have elected, have committed an overt act of hostility. That they have done." "You have won the Presidency," said he, to the Republicans, "and you are now in the situation of the man who had won the elephant at a raffle.

If, as Republicans asserted, many more free-State settlers than pro-slavery squatters had been driven out, then here was a fair concession. But what they wanted was not merely an equal chance for freedom in Kansas, but precedence. To this end they were ready even to admit Kansas under the Topeka constitution, which, by the most favorable construction, was the work of a faction.

As matters stand at present there are in reality four parties within the bonds of the two old parties the Conservative Republicans of the East; the Conservative Democrats of the South; the Progressive Republicans of the West; the Progressive Democrats of the West.

What is to be the form of government in the future? hear some of my younger readers reply: "Why, how can you ask such a question? "You are a republican." "A republican! Yes; but that word specifies nothing. Res publica; that is, the public thing. Now, whoever is interested in public affairs no matter under what form of government may call himself a republican. Even kings are republicans."

"You can tell our friend that he is omnipotent," he wrote to La Farina. He begged the Government to assume despotic power till the issue was decided. Garibaldi did not love the man of the coup d'état; but he knew too much about war to miscalculate either the value or the need of the French alliance. Only a small section of the republicans still stood aloof. Cavour had Italy with him.

All apparent attachment to royalism is now cautiously avoided, but the royalists do not diminish by persecution, and the industry with which they propagate their opinions is nearly a match for all the force armee of the republicans.

He can not get rid of the Judges now on the bench until they die. He must first elect a Republican President by Northern votes bound by pledges to appoint none but Republicans to the bench. He must then persuade the Judges to die. The President must pledge his new Judges in advance to decide this slavery question according to the wishes of his party, regardless of the Constitution.

Meantime, during his absence and the enforced idleness of the Catholic armies, there was an opportunity for the republicans to act with promptness and vigour. They displayed neither quality. Never had there been so much sluggishness as in the preparations for the campaign of 1606. The States' exchequer was lower than it had been for years. The republic was without friends.

That the Republicans would offer Burr the office of Vice-President was as positive as that Jefferson would be their first and unanimous choice. Clinton and Chancellor Livingston might be more distinguished men than the little politician, but the first was in open opposition to Jefferson, and the second was deaf.

The language of disinterestedness was adapted to the ancient republicans in the purest times of Sparta and Rome. But these ancients were not always disinterested; and the moderns are not always narrow, self-centred and cold.

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