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Updated: May 6, 2025
As Professor Skelton truly remarks: "The Archbishop of Montreal, Monseigneur Paul Bruchesi, who kept in close touch with Wilfrid Laurier, soon proved that sunny ways and personal pressure would go further than the storms and thunderbolts of the doughty old warrior of Three Rivers." With the bishops silenced, Laurier's foes in Quebec found the issue valueless to them.
The party sensed almost immediately the difference in the quality of the new leadership; and liked it. Laurier's powers of personal charm completed the "consolidation of his position," and by the early nineties the Presbyterian Grits of Ontario were swearing by him.
"Unfortunately," he adds, "it proved to be the last step save for the 1911 attempt to secure reciprocity." After 1897 Laurier's policy was to discourage the revival of the tariff question. Tarte's offence was partly that he did not realize that sleeping dogs should be allowed to lie. "It is not good politics to try to force the hand of the government," wrote Laurier to Tarte.
The Asiatics had descended and cut every wire and made a cinder-heap of the Junction, and our travellers pushed on eastward. They passed a hundred half-heeded incidents, and always Bert was toiling after Laurier's indefatigable back.... Things struck upon Bert's attention and perplexed him, and then he passed on with unanswered questionings fading from his mind.
"Do you know that you're pronouncing du Laurier's doom, to say nothing of your own?" "No. I don't know it." "Then I haven't made myself clear enough." "That's true. You haven't made yourself clear enough." "In what detail have I failed? Because ". "In the detail of the document. I've told you I know nothing about it. You've told me you know everything. Yet " "So I do."
Then she spoke like a mother who takes advantage of a parenthesis of surprise in an irascible child's temper, in order to counsel self-control, and explained how it had all happened. She had received the news of Laurier's wounding just as she and her mother were preparing to leave Paris. She had not hesitated an instant; her duty was to hasten to the aid of this man.
Some, reconciled to separation, urged it. Canadians, though not always seeing the path clear, both demanded self-government and trusted it would make union all the firmer. It fell to Sir Wilfrid Laurier's lot to carry out this traditional Canadian policy through an exceptionally critical era of development.
In this and the following Conference General Botha manifested a special regard for his Canadian colleague, like himself a leader from a minority race. Undoubtedly Wilfrid Laurier's example, Canada's example, counted much in making clear to Louis Botha the path which led to loyal and lasting co-operation. The centralization policy found a new champion at the Conference of 1911.
Tarte's confidence that Laurier could win Quebec was not based wholly upon faith in the power of Laurier's personal appeal. He was himself a Bleu leader brought into accidental relations with the Liberals. His breach with the Conservatives began as one of the unending Castor-Bleu feuds.
These were: Sir Oliver Mowat, William Stevens Fielding, Andrew G. Blair prime ministers respectively of Ontario, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick and Clifford Sifton, attorney-general of Manitoba, who joined the Ottawa Ministry a few months later. Mr Laurier's administration was formed as follows: Prime Minister and President of the Council, WILFRID LAURIER.
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