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Updated: May 3, 2025


In his opening discourse of the year 1845, M. Blanqui proclaimed, as a means of salvation, the association of labor and capital, the participation of the working man in the profits, that is, a beginning of industrial solidarity. "Our century," he exclaimed, "must witness the birth of the collective producer."

At this same reception of the Progressists the King noticed M. Blanqui, and graciously going up to him asked: "Well, Monsieur Blanqui, what do people talk about? What is going on?" "Sire," replied M. Blanqui, "I ought to tell the King that in the departments, and especially at Bordeaux, there is a great deal of agitation." "Ah!" interrupted the King.

M. Blanqui a professor of political economy, paid by the State maintains the contrary, and pretends to demonstrate, by decisive arguments, the necessity of a reform. Who, then, best understands the interests of property, the State, or M. Blanqui? If specie could be borrowed at half the present rate, the revenues from all sorts of property would soon be reduced one-half also.

My God! everybody knows that M. Dunoyer, inflexible as to principles in his works, is very accommodating as to practice in the Council of State. But let him condescend to once ask himself this question: Why am I obliged to continually distinguish practice from theory? Why do they not harmonize? M. Blanqui, as a lover of peace and harmony, supports the learned M. Dunoyer, that is, theory.

The "Major" writes a letter to-day to the Combat denouncing the Government, and demanding that the Republic "should decree victory," and shoot every unsuccessful general. Blanqui says that he lost his election as commander of a battalion, through the intrigues of the Jesuits.

Bad news. Orleans has been captured from us again. No matter. Let us persist. December 7. I had Gautier, Banville and Francois Coppee to dinner. After dinner Asselineau came. I read Floreal and L'Egout de Rome to them. December 8. The "Patrie en Danger" has ceased to appear. In the absence of readers, says Blanqui. M. Maurice Lachatre, publisher, came to make me an offer for my next book.

For the time, the Reds were absolutely defeated, and in order to prevent similar disturbances in future, Keratry, the Prefect of Police, wished to arrest Flourens, Blanqui, Milliere, and others, which suggestion was countenanced by Trochu, but opposed by Rochefort and Etienne Arago. A few days later, Rochefort patched up a brief outward reconciliation between the contending parties.

Rochefort was the son of a marquis who had been forced to write for bread. Deleschuze was an ex-convict. Blanqui had spent two thirds of his life in prison, having been engaged from his youth up in conspiracy. He was also at one period a Government spy. Raoul Rigault also had been a spy and an informer from his boyhood. Mégy and Assy were under sentence for murder.

The synthetic idea of value, as the fundamental condition of social order and progress, was dimly seen by Adam Smith, when, to use the words of M. Blanqui, "he showed that labor is the universal and invariable measure of values, and proved that everything has its natural price, toward which it continually gravitates amid the fluctuations of the market, occasioned by ACCIDENTAL CIRCUMSTANCES foreign to the venal value of the thing."

"Don't say good day. An evil day for journalists and writers who do not out-Herod Blanqui and Pyat. I know not how I shall get bread and cheese. My poor suburban villa is to be pulled down by way of securing Paris; my journal will be suppressed by way of establishing the liberty of the press. I ventured to suggest that the people of France should have some choice in the form of their government."

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