"Too much philanthropy," said the colonel, bluntly; "the British-American Coal and Lumber Company ain't a benevolent society exactly." "I am glad you spoke of that, Colonel Thorp; I want to ask you about some things that I don't understand. I know that the company are criticising some of Ranald's methods, but don't know why exactly." "Now, Colonel," cried Kate, "stand to your guns."
The city of Montreal took £125,000 stock. The British-American Land Company and the Montreal Seminary each lent £25,000. Country subscribers were permitted to make payments in pork or eggs for the use of the construction gang, though one director resigned because not allowed to turn in his farm.
Lord Robert Cecil, the son of the late Lord Salisbury, that same Lord Salisbury whose combats with Secretary Blaine and Secretary Olney form piquant chapters in British-American history is one of the most able and respected of British statesmen.
Thorp says he's a big gun already. No end of a swell. Of course, as manager of a big concern like the British-American Coal and Lumber Company, he is a man of some importance." "I don't think he is taking much to do with public questions," said Kate, "though he did make a speech at New Westminster not long ago. He has been up in those terrible woods almost ever since he went."
Did I mention food? Ah-h-h, the night romance of Parisian nutriment! Parisian, said I. Not the low hybrid dishes of the bevy of British-American hotels that surround the Place Vendôme and march up the Rue de Castiglione or of such nondescripts as the Tavernes Royale and Anglaise but Parisian. For instance, my good man, caneton
One of the greatest show-places of England is Knole House, the seat of the Sackville-Wests, near Seven-Oaks. The owner at the time of our visit was the Lord Sackville-West who was British ambassador at Washington, where he achieved notoriety by answering a decoy letter advising a supposed British-American to vote for Grover Cleveland as being especially friendly to England.
A foreign policy that would estrange the United States and perhaps even throw its support to Germany would not only lose the war to Great Britain, but it would be perhaps the blackest crime in history, for it would mean the collapse of that British-American coöperation, and the destruction of those British-American ideals and institutions which are the greatest facts in the modern world.
In 1903 a ninth member was added to the President's cabinet in the person of the Secretary of Commerce and Labor. A long-standing dispute as to the eastern boundary of southern Alaska was referred to a British-American tribunal, which decided chiefly in favor of the United States . By a reciprocity treaty with Cuba which went into effect in 1904, the duties on Cuban trade were somewhat lowered.
From this it followed, inasmuch as this connection and union was conceived of as existing under a universal common law, that the State of Great Britain, through its Government, was the justiciary medium which connected the free states of that which they conceived of as the British-American Union, and as such applied the principles of this universal common law for preserving and maintaining in due order the connection and union.
Direct trade with British dominions was the fetich of British policy; circuitous trade its abomination. Despite drawbacks, a distinct advance was observable also in British navigation; in the development of the British-American colonies, continental and island; and in the intercolonial intercourse and shipping.