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Updated: May 14, 2025
"Those you have got will never bear discussion." "Excuse me," answered Gouache; "if you will take the trouble to be introduced to his Eminence Cardinal Antonelli " Donna Tullia held up her hands in horror. "That horrible man! That Mephistopheles!" she cried. "That Macchiavelli! That arch-enemy of our holy liberty!" exclaimed Del Ferice, in theatrical tones. "Exactly," answered Gouache.
When Cesare heard the news of it and the details of the horrors that had been perpetrated, he turned, smiling cruelly, to Macchiavelli, who was with him, and, "The constellations this year seem unfavourable to rebels," he observed. A battle of wits was toward between the Florentines' Secretary of State and the Duke of Valentinois, each mistrustful of the other.
Great warriors, from Alexander to Bonaparte, were there, and glad of the opportunity to be there, too; statesmen like Macchiavelli; artists like Cellini or Tintoretto. You couldn't move without stepping on the toes of genius. But now all is different.
Macchiavelli has left us, in his dispatches to his Government, the most precious and valuable information concerning that period of Cesare Borgia's history during which he was with the duke on the business of his legation.
"A party that seems strong enough," said Macchiavelli, with a shrug, and an almost imperceptible glance towards Tito, who was abandoning himself with much enjoyment to Nello's combing and scenting. "But how many Mediceans are there among you? How many who will not be turned round by a private grudge?"
We have comedies of Ariosto and Macchiavelli those of the former are in rhymeless verse, versi sdruccioli, and those of the latter in prose. Such men could produce nothing which did not bear traces of their genius. But Ariosto in the structure of his pieces kept too close to the stories of the ancients, and, therefore, did not exhibit any true living picture of the manners of his own times.
If he had succeeded, we should all have been worshipping him, and his portrait would have been more flattered." "Well, well," said Cennini, "I say not thy doctrine is not too clever for Satan: I only say it is wicked enough for him." "I tell you," said Macchiavelli, "my doctrine is the doctrine of all men who seek an end a little farther off than their own noses.
He may indeed be considered as one of the types of the subtle, crafty, selfish politician that was the ideal of Macchiavelli.
What is true, and what is far more serious, both for Great Britain and for Europe, is that men like Harnack, Eucken, and Wilamowitz, who would repudiate all intellectual kinship with Macchiavelli and Nietzsche men who are leaders of European thought, and with whom and whose ideas we shall have to go on living in Europe publicly support and encourage the policy and standpoint of a Government which, according to British ideas, has acted with criminal wickedness and folly, and so totally misunderstood the conduct and attitude of Great Britain as honestly to regard us as hypocritically treacherous to the highest interests of civilisation.
Cesare Borgia, as a matter of fact, hardly went so far as Macchiavelli advises. He practised discrimination. He did not, for instance, seek the lives of Pandolfaccio Malatesta, or of Caterina Sforza-Riario. He saw no danger in their living, no future trouble to apprehend from them.
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