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Updated: April 30, 2025
These lies are spread here in Washington by the numerous secessionists at large, by such ignoble sheets as the New York Herald and Times; and McClellan seems to willingly swallow these lies, as they justify his inaction and c .
He, too, had been a rival of Clay since 1832, and three times a disappointed candidate for the Whig nomination for the Presidency. But both he and Clay had been brushed aside in 1848 by Thurlow Weed and the young William H. Seward with rather scant ceremony. And the abolitionists of New England were as noisome to him as were the radical secessionists to Henry Clay.
In one way and another the unfortunate and long-suffering Rebels were most sadly abused, if their own stories are to be regarded. It was forbidden to display Rebel emblems in public: a cruel restriction of personal right. The wealthy Secessionists of St. Louis were assessed the sum of ten thousand dollars, for the benefit of the Union refugees from Arkansas and other points in the Southwest.
Howell Cobb of Georgia, secretary of the treasury. John B. Floyd of Virginia, secretary of war. Isaac Toucey of Connecticut, secretary of the navy. Jacob Thompson of Mississippi, secretary of the interior. Aaron V. Brown of Tennessee, postmaster-general. Jeremiah S. Black of Pennsylvania, attorney-general. Of these men Cobb, Floyd, and Thompson were extreme Secessionists.
The Colonel gave no further heed to him, but the speaker mounted the steps of the meeting-house and harangued the natives in a strain of rude and passionate declamation, in which my host, the aristocrats, and the Secessionists came in for about equal shares of abuse. Turning the horses homeward, we rode off at a brisk pace.
It is simply the adoption of the usual terms employed by the soldiers of both sides in speaking to or of each other. We habitually spoke of them and to them, as "Rebels," and "Johnnies ;" they of and to us, as "Yanks," and "Yankees." To have said "Confederates," "Southerners," "Secessionists," or "Federalists," "Unionists," "Northerners" or "Nationalists," would have seemed useless euphemism.
Even the Missourians, accustomed as they were to sorry sights, laughed heartily at the spectacle presented by Sigel's transportation. The Secessionists made several wrong deductions from the sad appearance of that train. Some of them predicted that the division with such a train would prove to be of little value in battle. Never were men more completely deceived.
Per contra, N. and H. iv. 101. Childe, Lee, 34. Greeley in his Amer. Conflict, i. 349, says that the "open Secessionists were but a handful." This, however, is clearly an exaggerated statement. The capture of Fort Sumter and the call for troops established one fact. There was to be a war. The period of speculation was over and the period of action had begun. The transition meant much.
A majority of his cabinet were southern men, three of them zealous secessionists. His most intimate friends in Congress were southerners. These surrounded the vacillating Chief Magistrate, and paralyzed what little energy was in him, meanwhile taking advantage of his inaction to launch the Confederacy.
Up to the time, however, at which I was at St. Louis, martial law had chiefly been used in closing grog-shops and administering the oath of allegiance to suspected secessionists. Something also had been done in the way of raising money by selling the property of convicted secessionists; and while I was there eight men were condemned to be shot for destroying railway bridges.
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