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Updated: June 12, 2025
In another place Kautsky refers to the industrial working class as being the recruiting ground for Socialism, which might seem to be giving a preferred position to manual workers; but a few paragraphs below he again qualifies his statement by adding that "to the working class there belong, just as much as the wage earners, the members of the new middle class," which I shall describe below.
Edward Bernstein, "Evolutionary Socialism," p. 143. Karl Kautsky, "The Social Revolution," pp. 58-59. The Outlook, March 13, 1909. Quoted by Jaurès, "Studies in Socialism," p. 103. Karl Kautsky, "Erfurter Programm," p. 258. Karl Kautsky, "The Social Revolution," pp. 48-49. H. G. Wells, "This Misery of Boots," p. 34. Karl Kautsky, "The Social Revolution," p. 51.
Though he regards Socialism as the sole impelling force for reforms of benefit to labor, Kautsky definitely acknowledges that no reforms that are immediately practicable can be regarded as the exclusive property of the Socialist Party: "But this is certain," he says, "there is scarcely a single practical demand for present-day legislation, that is peculiar to any particular party.
That is to say, the Socialist Party, according to the reasoning of Kautsky and the overwhelming majority of Socialists, wherever it has become a national factor of the first importance, must remain an opposition party until the main purpose for which it exists has been accomplished; namely, the capture of the government, and for this purpose it must make every effort to starve out one administration after another by refusing supplies.
No one would have anything to do with Serbia; later Serbia was raised to the skies. The documents published by Kautsky in Germany and those revealed from time to time by the Moscow Government prove that the preparation for and conviction of war was not only on the part of the Central Empires, but also, and in no less degree, on the part of the other States.
Karl Kautsky has dealt with the immediate bearing in German Socialism of what he calls "the Baden rebellion," at some length, in answer to Maurenbrecher, Quessel, and others.
This position leads inevitably to a considerably qualified form of democracy. "The backbone of the party will always be the fighting proletariat, whose qualities will determine its character, whose strength will determine its power," says Kautsky. "Bourgeois and peasants are highly welcome if they will attach themselves to us and march with us, but the proletariat will always show the way.
"To-day the situation of the city proletariat," Kautsky adds, "is already so superior to the barbaric situation of the older peasants, that the younger peasants' generation is leaving the fields along with the class of rural wage earners."
The majority of the best-known spokesmen of this movement agree that social reform is advancing; yet most of them say, with Kautsky, that control of the capitalists over industry and government is advancing even more rapidly, partly by means of these very reforms, so that the Machtverhaeltnisse, or distribution of political and economic power between the various social classes, is even becoming less favorable to the masses than it was before.
Such a revolution would throw humanity back into semi-barbarism and cause even a temporary retrogression of civilization." Such is the language used against revolutions by conservatives or reactionaries. Never has it been so applied by a Marx or an Engels, a Liebknecht, a Kautsky or a Bebel.
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