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The editor placed the event in the middle of July. Nobody seemed to know that the story was already told by Genoude, and that he fixed the midnight bid for power at its proper date, a month earlier. The history of Amédée Gabourd is a far better book, and perhaps the best of its kind.
I demand a provisional government!" "A provisional government!" cried M. Crémieux. "We made a mistake in '30. Let there be no mistake in '48!" "A provisional government," said the Abbé Genoude, a Legitimist; "but it must be the will of the people!" M. Odillon Barrot, who had been long expected, now entered and immediately mounted the tribune.
Who would have believed, fifteen years ago, that M. Guizot and M. Villemain would have to defend property and social order against the attacks of such enemies as M. Genoude and M. de la Roche Jaquelin? Thus the successors of the old Cavaliers had turned demagogues; the successors of the old Roundheads had turned courtiers.
"Three impeachments of the Ministry have been proposed," said Lamartine. "By whom by whom?" asked Louis Blanc. "By whom presented?" "One by Odillon Barrot, one by Duvergier d'Hauranne and one by M. de Genoude, Deputy from Toulouse." "And what said Guizot?" asked Marrast. "Nothing. He only laughed when the papers were handed him by old President Sauzet." "Ah!" cried Ledru Rollin.
He would have considered himself dishonoured if he had said "Charlemagne" and not "Karl the Great," "Clovis" in place of "Clodowig." Nevertheless he was beguiled by Genoude, deeming it a clever thing to join together both ends of French history, so that the middle period becomes rubbish; and, in order to ease their minds about it, they took up the collection of Buchez and Roux.
Whilst the revolutionary historians, aided by public events, were predominating in France, the conservatives competed obscurely, and at first without success. Genoude was for many years editor of the leading royalist journal, and in that capacity initiated a remarkable phase of political thought.
According to Genoude, royalty, religion, and the national assemblies here are "the principles" of the French nation, which go back to the Merovingians. The Carlovingians fell away from them. The Capetians, being in accord with the people, made an effort to maintain them.
Villemain wrote for the "Moniteur," Royer Collard and Guizot for the "Courier," with all the haughtiness and disdain which marked the Doctrinaire or Constitutional school; Etienne and Pagès for the "Constitutionel," ridiculing the excesses of the ultra-royalists, the pretensions of the clergy, and the follies of the court; De Genoude for the "Gazette de France," and Thiers for the "National."
The villainy of the mayors of the Palace did not excite their indignation, and they gave Anquetil up, repelled by the ineptitude of his reflections. Then they asked Dumouchel, "What is the best history of France?" Dumouchel subscribed, in their names, to a circulating library, and forwarded to them the work of Augustin Thierry, together with two volumes of M. de Genoude.
Des Esseintes could not restrain a shrug of the shoulders before these stupid opinions, covered by a borrowed prose whose already worn texture clung or became torn at each phrase. In a different way, the works of Poujoulat and Genoude, Montalembert, Nicolas and Carne failed to inspire him with any definite interest.
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