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Updated: May 7, 2025
Finally, the Nassau agreement recognizes that nuclear defense is not enough, that the agreed NATO levels of conventional strength must be met, and that the alliance cannot afford to be in a position of having to answer every threat with nuclear weapons or nothing. We remain too near the Nassau decisions, and too far from their full realization, to know their place in history.
In Europe our alliances are unfulfilled and in some disarray. The unity of NATO has been weakened by economic rivalry and partially eroded by national interest. It has not yet fully mobilized its resources nor fully achieved a common outlook.
The new and aspiring members of NATO and the EU now face a moment of truth and are being forced to reveal their hand. Where and with whom do they see a common, prosperous future? What is the extent of their commitment to the European Union, its values and its agenda? Any further flagrant siding with the United States against the inner core of the EU would merely compound those errors of judgment.
NATO has increased both the number and the readiness of its air, ground, and naval units both its nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities. Even greater efforts by all its members are still required. Nevertheless our unity of purpose and will has been, I believe, immeasurably strengthened. The threat to the brave city of Berlin remains.
NATO has increased both the number and the readiness of its air, ground, and naval units both its nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities. Even greater efforts by all its members are still required. Nevertheless our unity of purpose and will has been, I believe, immeasurably strengthened. The threat to the brave city of Berlin remains.
In recognition of the threat which the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan posed to Western interests in both Europe and Southwest Asia, NATO foreign and defense ministers have expressed full support for U.S. efforts to develop a capability to respond to a contingency in Southwest Asia and have approved an extensive program to help fill the gap which could be created by the diversion of U.S. forces to that region.
This same concern applies to economic and security assistance programs as well. But the resolve of America and its NATO allies has opened the way for unprecedented achievement in arms reduction.
We are also working together to see that those nations most seriously affected by the oil disruption including our key NATO allies Turkey and Portugal can get the oil they need. At the most recent IEA Ministerial meeting we joined the other members in pledging to take those policy measures necessary to slice our joint oil imports in the first quarter of 1981 by 2.2 million barrels.
With our allies, we have created a partnership for peace that invites states from the former Soviet bloc and other non-NATO members to work with NATO in military cooperation. When I met with Central Europe's leaders, including Lech Walesa and Vaclav Havel, men who put their lives on the line for freedom, I told them that the security of their region is important to our country's security.
The new and aspiring members of NATO and the EU now face a moment of truth and are being forced to reveal their hand. Where and with whom do they see a common, prosperous future? What is the extent of their commitment to the European Union, its values and its agenda? Any further flagrant siding with the United States against the inner core of the EU would merely compound those errors of judgment.
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