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A man of real ability, who is actively engaged in politics without being submerged by merely political intrigues, can hardly fail to wish at least to institute some kind of research into the principles which guide his practice. To such a desire we may attribute some very stimulating books, such, for example, as Bagehot's Physics and Politics or Mr. Bryce's philosophical study of the United States.

Bagehot's family might think, that one was not properly appreciative of Bagehot's work if one compared it to that of Stevenson! I have always been a lover of the irony of accident in every form; but here was something which was almost too bewilderingly poignant.

But as a human interpretation of that exceedingly human monument, the British Constitution, Bagehot's work is likely to remain unchallenged for all time. I. -The Cabinet No one can approach to an understanding of English institutions unless he divides them into two classes. In such constitutions there are two parts.

Take Bagehot's study of the House of Commons in his standard work on "The English Constitution," where he classifies the functions exercised by the House. He insists that the most important of these is the elective function its power to elect and dismiss the ministry.

In connection with Bagehot's English Constitution the student may profitably read Woodrow Wilson's Congressional Government, Boston, 1885, and A.L. Lowell's Essays in Government, Boston, 1890.

If this book is worth anything, it is the history of a mind, and Bagehot had a very great effect upon my mind, largely through his skill in the art of presentation. Therefore it cannot be out of place to say something about Bagehot's style. In truth, instead of my being unduly discursive I have not really said as much as I ought to have said on the subject.

Few controversies have, despite its dullness, so carefully investigated the eternal problem of Church and State as that to which Hoadly's bishopric contributed its name. De Lolme is the real parent of that interpretative analysis which has, in Bagehot's hands, become not the least fruitful type of political method. Blackstone, in a real sense, may be called the ancestor of Professor Dicey.

For we rest our case on the ground that women equal men on these points, except in regard to political experience, which is a thing only to be acquired by practice. "So the showing of the Nation is, on the whole, favorable to women. It looks in the direction of Mr. Bagehot's theory, that brains now outweigh muscle in government.

Don't you see how we are just drifting, drifting? Don't do anything where you'll just drift, Rosalie." "No, I'm not going to drift, Keggo," said Rosalie. I'm going to have a man's career. I'm going into business! Keggo, that's the mystery of that book I'm always reading that you're always asking me about: 'Lombard Street' Bagehot's 'Lombard Street. Oh, Keggo, thrilling."

IV; A.L. Lowell's Essays on Government; Bagehot's English Constitution; Bourinot's article, Canada and the United States, Scottish Review, July, 1890, and Annals of the American Academy of Social Science, No. I; and an article by Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, Shall We Americanize Our Institutions? Nineteenth Century, December, 1890.