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It is, however, quite probable that provocateurs worming their way into Lenine's and Trotzky's good graces tried to use the Bolshevik agitation as a cover for their own nefarious work. As we have seen already, Lenine had previously been imposed upon by a notorious secret police agent, Malinovsky.
They are: First, transmission of power to the revolutionary people; second, control over their own leaders; and third, confidence in their own revolutionary powers." This was the beginning of Trotzky's warfare upon the Coalition Government, a warfare which he afterward systematically waged with all his might.
It is obviously not the time to debate whether the house was properly built or whether mistakes were made. Russia was a house on fire; the Bolsheviki insisted upon endless debating. Kamenev followed Trotzky's lead in attacking the Coalition Government.
This was Trotzky's first speech in Petrograd since his arrival the previous day from America. His speech was a demagogic appeal against co-operation with any bourgeois elements. Participation in the Coalition Ministry by the Socialists was a dangerous policy, he argued, since it sacrificed the fundamental principle of class struggle.
Lenine's true name is Uljanov, Trotzky's Bronstein, Zinoviev's Apfelbaum, Sukhanov's Gimmer, Kamenev's Rosenfeld, Steklov's Nakhamkis, and a number of others whose identity is not even always known. Trotzky's assertion that the Workmen's and Soldiers' Government is a government of workingmen, soldiers, and peasants is therefore nothing but a perversion of facts.
But every active operative in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Chicago is on the lookout for a man who, if left free, will stir up a lot of trouble. He has leadership, this Boris Karlov, a former intimate here of Trotzky's. We have reason to believe that he slipped through the net in San Francisco. Probably under a cleverly forged passport.
For the spiritual breath of life to the anarch is flattery, attention. Had the newspapers ignored Trotzky's advent into Russia, had they omitted the daily chronicle of his activities, the Russian problem would not be so large as it is this day. Trotzky would have died of chagrin. He would answer this advertisement. Trap? He would set one himself.
Understanding of Trotzky's attitude during the recent revolutionary and counter-revolutionary struggles is made easier by understanding the development of his thought in the First Revolution, 1905-06.
If he knew, he would have a larger field for bargaining." Devil knows who is who now! If police officers enlist in the communists, what is next? Trotzky's going to a high mass? Dined with Buchanans and the Lazarevs. Ros. was wounded. We all enjoyed this little story: A German girl was asked: "Können sie Ibsen?" To which she replied: "Nein! Wie macht man das?"
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