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Siena expressed its joy at seeing the summit of eminence attained by a Pope solely upon his merits "Pervenuto alla dignita pontificale meramente per meriti proprii." Lucca praised the excellent choice made, and extolled the accomplishments, the wisdom, and experience of the Pontiff.
Todas las clases o grupos sociales tienen derecho a ser representados en las legislaturas para trabajar por las leyes que afectan a sus intereses; los comerciantes pueden eligir a uno de ellos, lo mismo los agricultores, los obreros y los industriales; pero a las mujeres, que no son meramente un grupo sino un compuesto de grupos, con representar la mitad de un país, con propios intereses que sostener no sólo en relación a su sexo sino también en relación a su situación dentro de la familia, no se les permite votar y por tanto no se les permite tener una representación que sostenga aquellas leyes o medidas necesarias para su protección y mejoramiento. ¿Es esto justo? ¿Es siquiera moral?
Such was the actual condition of Italy at the end of the fifteenth century. Neither public nor private morality in our sense of the word existed. The crimes of the tyrants against their subjects and the members of their own families had produced a correlative order of crime in the people over whom they tyrannized. Cruelty was met by conspiracy. Tyrannicide became honorable; and the proverb, 'He who gives his own life can take a tyrant's, had worked itself into popular language. At this point it may be well to glance at the opinions concerning public murder which prevailed in Italy. Machiavelli, in the Discorsi iii. 6, discusses the whole subject with his usual frigid and exhaustive analysis. It is no part of his critical method to consider the morality of the matter. He deals with the facts of history scientifically. The esteem in which tyrannicide was held at Florence is proved by the erection of Donatello's Judith in 1495, at the gate of the Palazzo Pubblico, with this inscription, exemplum salutis publicæ cives posuere. All the political theorists agree that to rid a state of its despot is a virtuous act. They only differ about its motives and its utility. In Guicciardini's Reggimento di Firenze (Op. Ined. vol. ii. pp. 53, 54, 114) the various motives of tyrannicide are discussed, and it is concluded that pochissimi sono stati quelli che si siano mossi meramente per amore della libert
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