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Or again, if the original argument were, that a line must of necessity be drawn somewhere, and that £10 was the lowest qualification which seemed to guarantee such an amount of educated intelligence in the voter as would enable him to exercise the franchise conferred on him judiciously and honestly, such reasoning would from time to time invite the contention that the spread of education had rendered £8 tenants now as enlightened as £10 tenants had been some years before.
Out of 18,193 votes cast on it, it had a majority in favor of 3,679, and Nevada gave its leverage on Congress for the Federal Amendment. At the annual convention of the State Equal Franchise Society in Reno in February, 1915, the Nevada Woman's Civic League was formed as its successor.
John Ramsay issued an address, in which he enunciated his advocacy of economy and retrenchment in the public expenditure, recommended a judicious extension of the franchise, and stated, in reference to the Maynooth grant, which at that time engaged at a considerable amount of attention, that he "would oppose any further grants from the national exchequer, either in favour of the Roman Catholics or any other body."
He thought that popular institutions could be established, and the elective franchise safely made universal, only in an intelligent and virtuous community. In France he advised La Fayette and Barnave to be contented with a constitutional monarchy.
Indeed, for many years they virtually controlled the franchise, inasmuch as only male church-members could vote or hold office, at least in the Massachusetts Colony.
In several towns the right of voting was taken away from the commonalty, and given to a very small number of persons, who were required to bind themselves by oath to support the candidates recommended by the government. At Tewkesbury, for example, the franchise was confined to thirteen persons. Yet even this number was too large.
The most exciting moment was when Lord Curzon rose to close the debate. The first part of his speech was devoted to a description of the disasters which he believed would follow from the adoption of women's franchise but the second part was occupied by giving very good reasons for not voting against it.
It is a spectacle presented by all free countries, a salutary warning to the victors of the day, and a consolation to the vanquished, to whom hope is always left. But what does astound me is that the change should not have been foreseen. It is rather a severe democratic shock to the parliamentary machine. Is it the effect of the lowering of the franchise, or of the secret ballot? I do not know.
Till 1848 only the populus could vote, only the plebs could pay taxes a delightful application of the principle, "Heads I win, tails you lose!" In 1848 the distinction was broken down in theory, the franchise being extended beyond the privileged class by the initiative of that class itself. But in effect the distinction has survived to the present day in a veiled form.
Come on! cried a member of the Volksraad when the franchise petition of the Uitlanders was presented. 'Protest! Protest! What is the good of protesting? said Kruger to Mr. W. Y. Campbell; 'you have not got the guns, I have. There was always the final court of appeal. Judge Creusot and Judge Mauser were always behind the President.
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