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The city of Namur Margaret of Valois Her intrigues in Hainault in favour of Alencon Her reception by Don John at Namur Festivities in her, honor Seizure of Namur citadel by Don John Plan for seizing that of Antwerp Letter of the estates to Philip, sent by Escovedo Fortunes and fate of Escovedo in Madrid Repairing of dykes The Prince's visit to Holland His letter to the estates general on the subject of Namur citadel His visit to Utrecht Correspondence and commissioners between Don John and the estates Acrimonious and passionate character of these colloquies Attempt of Treslong upon Antwerp citadel frustrated by De Bourse Fortunate panic of the German mercenaries Antwerp evacuated by the foreign troops Renewed correspondence Audacity of the Governor's demands Letters of Escovedo and others intercepted Private schemes of Don John not understood by the estates His letter to the Empress Dowager More correspondence with the estates Painful and false position of the Governor Demolition, in part, of Antwerp citadel, and of other fortresses by the patriots Statue of Alva Letter of estates-general to the King.

The envoys returned to Brussels, to give an account of the Governor's rage, which they could not declare to be unnatural, and to assist in preparations for the war, which was now deemed inevitable. Don John, leaving a strong garrison in the citadel of Namur, from which place he, despatched a final communication to the estates-general, dated the 2nd of October, retired to Luxemburg.

The waxing personal strength of the monarchy curbed its influence, its authority weakened, and throughout the great century of French colonial expansion from 1650 to 1750 the Estates-General was never convoked. The centralization of political power was complete. 'The State! I am the State. These famous words imputed to Louis XIV expressed no vain boast of royal power.

Within the space of ten and a half years from the assembling of the Estates-General at Versailles, parliamentary and popular government fell beneath the sword. The predictions of Marat and Robespierre were realized: militarism had supplanted democracy.

It is not surprising, under the circumstances, that the session of 1614 lasted but three weeks and ended as a farce: the queen-regent locked up the halls and sent the representatives home she needed the room for a dance, she said. It was not until the momentous year of 1789 after a lapse of 175 years that the Estates-General again assembled.

From what has already been said of the municipal institutions of the country, it may be inferred that the powers of the Estates-general were limited. The members of that congress were not representatives chosen by the people, but merely a few ambassadors from individual provinces. This individuality was not always composed of the same ingredients.

On their side the commoners began to argue that the Estates-General should organize itself as a single body, in which each member should have one vote, such voting "by head" marking the establishment of true representation in France, and that the assembly should forthwith concern itself with a general reformation of the entire government.

The hard savings of Henry IV were quickly exhausted, and France once more faced a financial crisis. In this emergency the Estates-General was again convened . Since the accession of Louis XI , the French monarchs with their absolutist tendencies had endeavored to remove this ancient check upon their authority: they had convoked it only in times of public confusion or economic necessity.

The Estates-General, to which French commoners had been admitted in 1302, resembled in certain externals the English Parliament, for example, in comprising representatives of the clergy, nobles, and commons, but it had never had final say in levying taxes or in authorizing expenditures or in trying royal officers.

He had favored the fusion of the three councils. He had maintained that the estates-general ought to be forthwith assembled, that otherwise the debts of his Majesty and of the country could never be paid, and that the provinces would go to the French, to the Germans, or to the devil.