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I have, therefore, instructed the Secretary of Defense to reappraise our entire defense strategy our ability to fulfill our commitments the effectiveness, vulnerability, and dispersal of our strategic bases, forces and warning systems the efficiency and economy of our operation and organization the elimination of obsolete bases and installations and the adequacy, modernization and mobility of our present conventional and nuclear forces and weapons systems in the light of present and future dangers.
The Secretary of State on September 4th made a statement to the same end. This statement could not, of course, cover every contingency. Indeed, I interpret the joint resolution as requiring me not to make absolute advance commitments but to use my judgment according to the circumstances of the time. But the statement did carry a clear meaning to the Chinese Communists and to the Soviet Union.
Yet the very existence of these commitments these promises to the American people, made by this Congress and by the executive branch of the Government are achievements in themselves, and failure to carry through on our commitments would be a tragedy for this Nation. This much is certain: No one man or group of men made these commitments alone.
New projects can wait, but the commitments of the Commonwealth must be maintained. We cannot curtail the usual appropriations or the care of mothers with dependent children or the support of the poor, the insane, and the infirm.
Morally this system thus came to sanction a human servitude to material things such as ancient materialists would have scorned; and theoretically the system did not escape the dogmatic commitments of common sense against which it protested. For far from withdrawing into the depths of the private spirit, it professed to describe universal experience and the evolution of all human ideas.
I shall speak to you tonight about challenge and opportunity and about the commitments that all of us have made together that will, if we carry them out, give America our best chance to achieve the kind of great society that we all want. Every President lives, not only with what is, but with what has been and what could be.
Many projects are being broached requiring further large outlays. I am convinced that it would be greatly for the welfare of the country if we avoid at the present session all commitments except those of the most pressing nature. From a reduction of the debt and taxes will accrue a wider benefit to all the people of this country than from embarking on any new enterprise.
We will help other nations develop the capability of defending themselves. We will faithfully honor all of our treaty commitments. We will act to defend our interests, whenever and wherever they are threatened anyplace in the world. But where our interests or our treaty commitments are not involved, our role will be limited. We will not intervene militarily.
I should not wish to propose or have representatives attend a conference which would contemplate commitments opposed to the freedom of action we desire to maintain unimpaired with respect to our purely domestic policies. Our country should also support efforts which are being made toward the codification of international law.
Our policy will continue to reflect our basic commitments as a people to support those who are prepared to work towards cooperation and harmony between races, and to help those who demand change but reject the fool's gold of violence. In the Middle East the spirit of good will toward all, unfortunately, has not yet taken hold. An already tortured peace seems to be constantly threatened.
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