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"What proof have I of you?" he asked. "Sahib, my honor is in question! I have a debt to pay!" "What debt?" "To the Raj." "To the Raj?" "Aye, Sahib! I have but one son, and his life was saved for me by a British soldier. A life for a life. Four lives for a life. I ride! I need, though, a fresh horse. And I ask for the loan of that sergeant, and those twelve men."
They were beginning to awaken to the dangerous consequences of their shortcomings, but would time be given to them to repair them? The British Raj had always claimed that its mission in India was to hold the balance evenly between the different races and creeds and classes, and to exercise its paternal authority equally to the detriment of none and for the benefit of all.
Ranjoor Singh held his hand up, and we daffadars flung ourselves along the line commanding silence. A voice or two even a dozen men talking were inaudible, but the Turks would have heard a cheer. "Ye?" said Ranjoor Singh. "Ye for the raj? I thought ye were all for loot?" "Nay!" said Gooja Singh, for he saw his position undermined and began to grow fearful for consequences.
Barlow's face was white, and Hodson was trembling, but the girl stood, a merciless cold triumph in her face: "I do realise that, father. For the girl I care nothing, nor for Captain Barlow's intrigue with such, but I am the daughter of the man who represents the British Raj here."
The difficulty is further enhanced by the reluctance of many of the "moderates" to break with their "advanced" friends by proclaiming, once and for all, their own conviction that within no measurable time can India in her own interests afford to forgo the guarantees of internal peace and order and external security which the British Raj alone can afford.
The first symptom of organized discontent was the formation of the "Indian National Congress" in the year 1885. The very name showed that the British Raj, covering all India, was itself evoking among India's diverse elements a certain common point of view and aspiration. However, the early congresses were very far from representing Indian public opinion, in the general sense of the term.
Smith's chapel is carried on in some places down to the present time. A short time after our arrival at Raj Ghat my dear friend the Rev. W. P. Lyon appeared, and took me in his conveyance by a road skirting the city to the Mission House in Secrole, which he then occupied. From Mr. and Mrs. Lyon, both of whom I had known intimately for years in our own land, I received a hearty welcome.
His policy of deference to the authority of native chiefs was a means to an end, the end being the establishment of the British Raj in India; and when the means and the end came into conflict, or seemed likely to do so, the former went to the wall.
Henri de Chambon, editor of La Revue Parlementaire. Quoted by Beckles Wilson, "Our Amazing Syrian Adventure," National Review, September, 1920. India is a land of paradox. Possessing a fundamental geographical unity, India has never known real political union save that recently imposed externally by the British "Raj." Full of warlike stocks, India has never been able to repel invaders.
The following are the different descriptions of lands in the first division: Ka ri Raj, or ka ri Siem, which are Siem's, or Crown lands. These lands are intended for the support of the Siem family, they cannot be alienated.
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