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As nationalists they have frequently regarded essential aspects of democracy with a wholly unnecessary and embarrassing suspicion. They have been after a fashion Hamiltonian, and Jeffersonian after more of a fashion; but they have never recovered from the initial disagreement between Hamilton and Jefferson.
His shameful concessions to the Unionist party may be taken as a clear indication of his congenital crookedness, and the refusal of the Nationalists at Killybegs, on the visit of Lord Houghton, the other day, to give a single shout for the Grand Old Man, bears out my previous statement as to the popular feeling.
Those far-off centuries became veritably alive to me the Arian kings fighting an ever-losing battle against the ever-encroaching power of the Catholic Church, backed by the still lingering and still potent ghost of the Roman Empire; the Catholic Bishops gathering, sometimes through winter snow, to their Councils at Seville and Toledo; the centers of culture in remote corners of the peninsula, where men lived with books and holy things, shrinking from the wild life around them, and handing on the precious remnants and broken traditions of the older classical world; the mutual scorn of Goth and Roman; martyrs, fanatics, heretics, nationalists, and cosmopolitans; and, rising upon, enveloping them all, as the seventh and eighth centuries drew on, the tide of Islam, and the menace of that time when the great church of Cordova should be half a mosque and half a Christian cathedral.
Without dwelling further on this particular point, however, we may observe, that through some of the channels already referred to, the English government became aware, in 1865, that it was the intention of the Irish Nationalists in the United States to make a descent, at no distant day, upon Canada, and seize it as a basis of operations, with a view to carrying out their projects for the redemption of Ireland.
Hence we arrive at the curious fact that at the present day some of the most ardent Romanists and violent Nationalists, who are striving to have the Irish language enforced all over the country, and pose as the representatives of ancient Irish septs, are really the descendants of Cromwell's soldiers.
Promiscu-o-ous they shtand in em-u-la-a-tion." The small shopkeepers, once ardent Nationalists, seem to be changing their minds.
"My superior," said the man. "How did you know Major Connel was coming here to investigate the Nationalists?" "I read the decoded message sent to the Solar Delegate, Mr. James." "Who told you to send men to bomb the Polaris?" "My superior," said the man. "Your superior your superior!" Walters' voice was edged with contempt. "What else has your superior told you to do?"
These visits were made in quest of light, not so much upon the proceedings and the purposes of the Irish "Nationalists," with which, on both sides of the Atlantic, I have been tolerably familiar for many years past as upon the social and economical results in Ireland of the processes of political vivisection to which that country has been so long subjected.
At sixty-five you are not good enough for the Civil Service, but at eighty-four, when you are nineteen years older, you may govern a vast empire. It is an anomaly. Even the Nationalists think Mr. Gladstone past his work." This statement was fully borne out by a strong anti-Parnellite of Athlone. He said: "The bill is a hoax, but it is better than nothing.
And further, that if England should find herself in a state of war, no Nationalists should volunteer to fight in her ranks. Is this correct?" "Perfectly," Norgate admitted. "The information was of great interest in Berlin," Selingman pointed out. "It is realised there that it means of necessity a civil war." "Without a doubt."
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