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He in his turn suddenly became aware that if he persisted he might find that in their anger these men would oppose Mr. McKinley's renomination, and although they could not have prevented the nomination, such opposition would have been a serious blow in the campaign which was to follow. Senator Hanna, therefore, began to waver. Meanwhile a meeting of the New York delegation was called.
Your representative finds himself called to the defence of this doctrine. Thus is the amendment to the Constitution made of no effect in the Territories. The character of President McKinley's policy is set forth in his own words and they justify the charge of imperialism.
The thief, the murderer, or any other class of criminals could just as well blame others for their own wrong doings. Carry Nation's "Home for Drunkards' Wives and Children" One of two fine properties in Kansas purchased by Mrs. Carry Nation with the money she earned on her lecturing tours. When I was at Coney Island, I was asked, what I thought of William McKinley's administration?
I doubt whether he deluded himself into supposing that the American people would elect so conspicuous a representative of the Big Interests as he was, to be President, but he knew that the fortunes of candidates in political conventions are uncertain, and that if he had a considerable body of delegates to swing from one man to another, he might, if his choice won, become the power behind the new throne as he had been behind McKinley's.
McKinley's cabinet was composed of men whose advanced age and conservative characteristics indicated that his advisers would commend themselves to the business world and would instinctively avoid all those radical proposals that were coming to be known as "Bryanism."
McKinley's ways which were not likely to be more amusing than the ways of his predecessors; or of senatorial ways, which offered no novelty of what the French language expressively calls embetement; or of poor Mr. Sherman's ways which would surely cause anguish to his friends. Once more, one must go! Nothing was easier!
If it had not been for the tragedy of President McKinley's death he would not have come into power, and the thought grieved him somewhat. So when he was again elected president he was quite pleased. For now he felt that he held his great office because the people wanted him, and not because they could not help having him.
Not only was the party divided, but McKinley's record on the subject was far from consistent. He had voted for the Bland free-silver bill in 1877, for the Bland-Allison act in 1878 and for the passage of that act over President Hayes's veto. In 1890 he had urged the passage of the Sherman silver purchase law, intimating that he would support a free coinage measure if it were possible to pass it.
The Senator says that a representative of McKinley offered him "all sorts of inducements" to withdraw, but McKinley's biographer mentions no such attempt at a bargain. Eventually Cullom made the fight and was defeated, and from then on, the nomination of McKinley seemed sure unless he should be tripped by the currency issue. The silver question was the second obstacle in the way of success.
Douglas' policy in the interest of slavery is not a far-away prophecy of the doings under President McKinley's administration. I have reached a point in this discussion when this remark may be justified: No impartial reader of my article of 1859 can fail to discover that the discussion did not involve the question now raised.
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