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"Fabian Essays," p. 184. "Fabianism and the Empire," p. 5. H. G. Wells, "New Worlds for Old," pp. 268-275. H. G. Wells, "New Worlds for Old," pp. 268-275. John A. Hobson, "The Crisis of Liberalism," pp. 116, 132. H. G. Wells, "First and Last Things," p. 242. The New Age, June 2, 1910. The New Age, Dec. 23, 1909. The New Age, Jan. 4, 1908. The New Age, June 23, 1910.
Belloc to point the moral of the whole development with a phrase, to note that Fabianism no longer aimed at the socialisation of the whole community, but only at the socialisation of the poor.
"That question," Radley retorted, "Adam probably asked Eve, when Cain and Abel decided to be Socialists." "I tell you, these self-opinionated boys want whipping, and so do you, Master Doe, with your damned Fabianism." "Oh, come, come," objected Radley. "I like them to be gloriously self-confident. Young blood is heady stuff.
We cannot, of course, neglect the intellectual influence of Ibsen and Nietzsche, Wagner and Samuel Butler, the individualists and aristocrats who corrected the mob-sentiment of old-fashioned socialism; but these and similar influences matured in him through his Fabianism. Bernard Shaw, of the Fabian Society, ceased to be a private citizen.
I still wondered, however, why it was that he had left the company of Wells and Webb and Booth, who were but his English counterparts after all, and the general policy of Fabianism, when I suddenly discovered the key not only to the man but to the movement as well, in his definition of prophecy: "The only true prophets are they who carve out the future which they announce."
In "Fabianism and the Empire" Shaw and his collaborators say frankly: "The nation makes no serious attempt to democratize its government, because its masses are still in so deplorable a condition that democracy, in the popular sense of government by the masses, is clearly contrary to common sense." Mr.
Few Americans know how great has been this influence on English political history for the last twenty years. The well-known Minority Report of the Poor Law Commission bears the Webb signature most conspicuously. Fabianism began to achieve a reputation for getting things done for taking part in "practical affairs."
Even George Bernard Shaw, who hopes for the miraculous from the State under Fabianism, nevertheless admits that "it is at present a huge machine for robbing and slave-driving of the poor by brute force." This being the case, it is hard to see why the clever prefacer wishes to uphold the State after poverty shall have ceased to exist.
But in addition they developed another side of Fabianism, still more subtle, which professed to be a kind of restoration in kind of property to the proletariat and in this direction they were more successful.
Wherefore I am particularly anxious in approaching any description of "The New Republic," to make it quite clear that that idealised State is not built of the bricks that have been modelled and cast by any recognisable group of propagandists, working to permeate, or more forcibly to convert, a section of the public under the flags of, say, Fabianism or Social Democracy.
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